Towards a new
spatio-temporal
macrostructure for Revelation - who was John?
Does it matter who was the author of Revelation? Consider the choices: the Apostle John or the Beloved Disciple, both of whom knew Jesus Christ as a physical person from the beginning of his ministry, so memories of those times would underlie the exile to Patmos; or John the Elder, who was another influential leader in Asia (modern day Turkey) at the very beginning of Christianity. Even if John was an otherwise unknown prophet, his influence through Revelation was world-changing. This website is an overview of the story (the macrostructure) told within Revelation that is based upon a spatio-temporal analysis of the story, and authorship is part of its context. Does it matter when Revelation was written down or circulate – in AD 68-70 or AD 95-97? This was either just before or a long time after the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70, so the context of Revelation was very different on those dates.
The author and date of Revelation does matter and here they are considered from the view points of the text, the early Christian writers and more modern scholars; with possible dates of writing and local traditions. Finally, what the proposed macrostructure adds to these discussions and a possible authorship/ date scenario is suggested.
7a) The text
We do not know very much about the author of the Book of Revelation – he gives his name as John and he was on the now-Greek island of Patmos when he experienced a ‘revelation (ἀποκάλυψις, apocalypse) of Jesus Christ’ (1:1). John writes that he was a servant of God, brother-in-persecution to his audience and he was a prophet who was exiled to Patmos for preaching the Gospel:
‘The revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave him to show his servants what must soon take place; he made it known by sending his angel to his servant John, who testified to the word of God and to the testimony of Jesus Christ, even to all that he saw (…) I, John, your brother who share with you in Jesus the persecution and the kingdom and the patient endurance, was on the island called Patmos because of the word of God and the testimony of Jesus. I was in the spirit on the Lord’s day.’ (1:1-10a)
‘I, John, am the one who heard and saw these things. And when I heard and saw them, I fell down to worship at the feet of the angel who showed them to me; but he said to me, ‘You must not do that! I am a fellow-servant with you and your comrades the prophets, and with those who keep the words of this book. Worship God!’ (22:9)
Revelation’s John does not write, or even imply, that he was one of the original disciples (the Apostle John) nor ‘the Elder’ (the author of 2 Jn. and 3 Jn.). George Caird suggests his audience would have known who the author was and date of Revelation’s first circulation, therefore explanation within the text would be unnecessary (Caird, 1966: 3-5). From external sources, we know that the book was written by the end of the first century AD and the Roman Empire ruled supreme in the area at the time.
7b) Authorship and the Early Church Fathers
The first direct reference to the authorship of Revelation that still exists today was by Justin Martyr (a teacher and philosopher), writing in Ephesus about AD 155:
‘There was a certain man with us, whose name was John, one of the apostles of Christ, who prophesied, by a revelation that was made to him, that those who believed in our Christ would dwell a thousand years in Jerusalem; and that thereafter the general, and, in short, the eternal resurrection and judgment of all men would likewise take place.’ Justin Martyr Dialogue with Trypho, LXXXI
In other words, Justin believed John of Patmos was the Apostle John, and he (the Apostle) lived in Ephesus (‘with us’, i.e. where Justin was located at the time), he had a vision and he prophesied (in Revelation) that believers would live in Jerusalem for a thousand years (‘the Millennium’) and afterwards there would be an eternal resurrection and judgement for everyone. Justin’s writings were very influential and these quotes were referred to by Eusebius (c. AD 260-339/340; Bishop of Caesarea):
‘He (Justin) writes also that even down to his time prophetic gifts shone in the Church. And he mentions the Apocalypse of John, saying distinctly that it was the apostle’s.’ Eusebius, IV.18.8
In the early fourth century, Eusebius used an extensive library of early Christian writings to copy original texts and comment upon the history of the church (the Ecclesiastical History) from the end of the Book of Acts to the time of Emperor Constantine. He had access to books that are unknown or fragmentary today so his work is unique and valuable, despite writing at least two hundred years after Revelation was circulated.
Some modern scholars have reservations about his work, for example: Martin Hengel suggests that Eusebius may have ‘sometimes concealed information which seemed disagreeable to him or omitted it through carelessness’ and Hengel gives examples of this (Hengel, 1989b: 21). However, Eusebius copied documents by Papias (c. AD 70 – 155, Bishop of Hierapolis), for example, who Eusebius described as being of ‘very limited understanding’ and wrong at times (quoted shortly). Eusebius is a source that is worth taking seriously, despite the possibility that the original authors may be wrong in places or that Eusebius’ own assertions were incorrect at times.
When Clement of Alexandria (AD c. 150-215) listed the order of the Gospels, the Apostle John as the author of Revelation was disputed: ‘In regard to the Apocalypse, the opinions of most men are still divided. But at the proper time this question likewise shall be decided from the testimony of the ancients’ (Clement is Eusebius III.24.18). The debate was still underway when Dionysius was Bishop of Alexandria (c. AD 200-265). Dionysius spent three full days with the church in Arsinoë (Egypt), discussing books for which the local leaders wanted his opinion; one of these was Revelation (Dionysius in Eusebius VII.24.6-7, VII.25.1-27). It is perhaps note-worthy that he had not already read it.
Dionysius is quoted as saying ‘that this book is the work of one John, I do not deny. And I agree also that it is the work of a holy and inspired man. But I cannot readily admit that he was the apostle, the son of Zebedee, the brother of James, by whom the Gospel of John and the Catholic Epistle were written’ (in Eusebius VII.25.7).
Dionysius does not accept Revelation as a work of the Apostle John, for two main reasons: firstly, the Apostle did not use his name in the Gospel and first letter, and neither did the author of the second and third epistles (who used the title ‘the Elder’, a title which was not used by the Apostle). Only in Revelation did the author use his name:
‘But neither in the reputed second or third epistle of John, though they are very short, does the name John appear; but there is written the anonymous phrase, “the elder”. But this author (of Revelation) did not consider it sufficient to give his name once (but four times) and to proceed with his work; but he takes it up again.’ (in Eusebius VII.25.11).
Secondly, comparing John’s Gospel and the first epistle, Dionysius commented:
‘And from the ideas, and from the words and their arrangement, it may be reasonably conjectured that this one (the Apostle) is different from that one’ (Revelation’s author) (in Eusebius VII.25.17).
Dioysius rejected the Apostle’s authorship of Revelation because:
‘Moreover, it can also be shown that the diction of the Gospel and Epistle differs from that of the Apocalypse. For they were written not only without error as regards the Greek language, but also with elegance in their expression, in their reasonings, and in their entire structure. (…)
I do not deny that the other writer saw a revelation and received knowledge and prophecy.
I perceive, however, that his dialect and language are not accurate Greek, but that he uses barbarous idioms, and, in some places, solecisms. It is unnecessary to point these out here, for I would not have any one think that I have said these things in a spirit of ridicule, for I have said what I have only with the purpose of showing clearly the difference between the writings.’ (in Eusebius VII.25.18-27).
Dionysius’ comments are endorsed by comparing Revelation with John’s Gospel today but, despite his criticisms, Dionysius did not deny the prophetic value of John’s vision. Were there three men called John in Christian circles at that time: the Apostle, John the Elder and ‘the other writer’ i.e. John of Patmos, the Prophet of Revelation? What about the Beloved Disciple?
7b.1) The two tombs in Ephesus
If there were three or four men called John in leadership in Ephesus at that time, only two were later known to be buried there:
‘John (the Apostle), who, after he had lived some time there, died at Ephesus.’ (Eusebius, III.1.1) and ‘his burial place is indicated by an epistle of Polycrates (who was bishop of Ephesus) (…) He also sleeps at Ephesus.’ (Eusebius, III.31.2-3). However, Dionysius wrote:
‘But I think that he was some other one (not the Apostle) of those (named John) in Asia (present day Turkey); as they say that there are two monuments in Ephesus, each bearing the name of John.’ (in Eusebius, VII.25.16).
This is endorsed by Papias, writing c. AD 125-135 (Hengel, 1989b: 126-127) or before AD 110 (Osborne 2002:3), who was probably remembering much earlier times, during which time the four Gospels were being written (c. AD 80, Bauckham 2017: 14). According to Eusebius, Papias took great care to question the immediate followers of ‘the elders’ (the Apostles and original disciples), rather than relying on what others had written (Eusebius III.39.1-4), so he had good credentials:
Papias was ‘an ancient man who was a hearer of John and a companion of Polycarp (a Bishop of Smyrna), but Papias himself in the preface to his discourses by no means declares that he was himself a hearer and eye-witness of the holy apostles, but he shows by the words which he uses that he received the doctrines of the faith from those who were their friends. Eusebius, III.39.1-2.
Papias had heard ‘the other John’ (not the Apostle) speak and that one was ‘a presbyter’ or elder who was ‘a lesser disciple than Aristion’ (who was perhaps the first Bishop of Smyrna), and Papias’ books included quotes of both of them:
‘It is worth while observing here that the name John is twice enumerated by him (Papias). The first one he mentions in connection with Peter and James and Matthew and the rest of the apostles, clearly meaning the evangelist; but the other John he mentions after an interval, and places him among others outside of the number of the apostles, putting Aristion before him, and he distinctly calls him a presbyter.
This shows that the statement of those is true, who say that there were two persons in Asia that bore the same name, and that there were two tombs in Ephesus, each of which, even to the present day (i.e. early fourth century), is called John’s.
It is important to notice this. For it is probable that it was the second, if one is not willing to admit that it was the first that saw the Revelation, which is ascribed by name to John. And Papias, of whom we are now speaking, confesses that he received the words of the apostles from those that followed them, but says that he was himself a hearer of Aristion and the presbyter John. At least he mentions them frequently by name, and gives their traditions in his writings. These things we hope, have not been uselessly adduced by us.’ Eusebius, III.39.5-7
Eusebius was hopeful that his repetition of Papias’ claim about two leaders called ‘John’ living and being buried in Ephesus was warranted. However, he was very dismissive of Papias’ when he (Papias) recounted unwritten traditions of Jesus’ miracles, doctrine and other matters which Eusebius thought were fanciful, but they were very influential at the time (none survive today). According to Eusebius, Papias confirmed that there were unknown apocalyptical teachings of Jesus circulating which referred to the resurrection of the dead before the one thousand year kingdom of Christ on Earth:
‘The same writer (Papias) gives also other accounts which he says came to him through unwritten tradition, certain strange parables and teachings of the Saviour, and some other more mythical things. To these belong his statement that there will be a period of some thousand years after the resurrection of the dead, and that the kingdom of Christ will be set up in material form on this very earth.
I suppose he got these ideas through a misunderstanding of the apostolic accounts, not perceiving that the things said by them were spoken mystically in figures. For he appears to have been of very limited understanding, as one can see from his discourses. But it was due to him that so many of the Church Fathers after him adopted a like opinion, urging in their own support the antiquity of the man; as for instance Irenæus (Bishop of Lyons, c. AD 139-202) and anyone else that may have proclaimed similar views.
Papias gives also in his own work other accounts of the words of the Lord on the authority of Aristion who was mentioned above, and traditions as handed down by the presbyter John; to which we refer those who are fond of learning.’ Eusebius, III.39.11-14a
According to this record, there was the Apostle John and ‘the other John’ who was an elder/ presbyter or ‘the elder John’ who handed down ‘traditions’. The pronoun ‘the’ or ‘a’ presbyter/ elder may not be significant and there were probably several elders called John in Ephesus at any one time. It was a common name, especially in priestly circles at the time of the Second Temple in Palestine (Hengel, 1989b: 109) and, according to Dionysius (in Eusebius), this pattern continued in Asia:
‘But I am of the opinion that there were many with the same name as the apostle John, who, on account of their love for him, (…) desired to be loved by the Lord as he was, took to themselves the same surname, as many of the children of the faithful are called Paul or Peter.’ (in Eusebius VII.25.14).
David Aune refers to modern suggestions that Eusebius may have misunderstood Papias’ words about the Elder (Aune, 1997: liii) but E. Schwartz endorsed Papias because he ‘had a command of the art of rhetoric’ and he ‘writes too well for “mere simplicity”.[1]
Eusebius’ comments about Papias and the apocalyptic tradition are negative but Grant Osborne suggests Eusebius was persuaded by the reference to the two tombs in Ephesus that John the Elder wrote Revelation (Osborne, 2002: 3; see also Bauckham, 2017: 424): ‘For it is probable that it was the second (tomb), if one is not willing to admit that it was the first (the Apostle) that saw the Revelation, which is ascribed by name to John’ (in Eusebius, III.39.5-7, quoted earlier).
Was Eusebius himself willing to accept the Apostle as the author of Revelation? No, according to Osborne and Bauckham (also Mounce, 1997: 11) and he (Eusebius) classified Revelation’s Scriptural credentials as ‘disputed’ (Boring, 1989: 3). Revelation was part of the New Testament Canon by the time Eusebius was writing, despite the negative literary observations noted by earlier leaders such as Dionysius, but the Apostle’s authorship of Revelation remains the orthodox view.
Revelation’s John may have had a high status or he was particularly influential at the time because only those people were exiled – other trouble-makers were usually killed (Hengel, 1989b; 126). This suggests John was an established leader and prophet (22:9), even if he was neither the Apostle nor the Elder. John’s high status within the Christian communities in Asia may be a reason why later influential leaders like Justin Martyr and Irenaeus, and the later Patmos communities (described shortly) may have assumed this John was the Apostle.
Eusebius and the other writers quoted here may be unreliable at times, but intervening time between the events and the transcriptions from oral traditions to text does not automatically mean they have limited value. For example, according to Eusebius’ transcriptions, Papias took great care to question the immediate followers of ‘the elders’ (the Apostles and original disciples), rather than relying on what others had written (in Eusebius III.39.1-4) – and Eusebius appears not to have liked Papias very much. For further information about Papias, the Apostle John and the Beloved Disciple, I recommend Richard Bauckham’s book: Jesus and the Eyewitnesses: The Gospels as Eyewitness Testimony.
[1] These statements are from two German papers quoted by Martin Hengel (Hengel, 1989a: 96, n.289).
7b.2) ‘Not very accurate Greek’
Largely based on textual ambiguities like those noted by Dionysius (‘not very accurate Greek’, in Eusebius VII.25.26), the authorship of Revelation has taxed modern scholarship, especially in the last 200 years (Paul, 2018: 8). In 1913, RH Charles describes the Greek as not so much ‘abnormal’ (as some scholars in Charles’ time attested), more ‘unique’; and ‘Hebraic in style’ (as earlier scholars had always agreed).[1] Martin Hengel described it as koine Greek (i.e. ‘common speech’) which had been spoken by high status Jews in Jerusalem before the city was destroyed. It was the same type of Greek as John’s Gospel and both works have ‘a marked semitic, even Hebraic, flavour’ (Hengel, 1989b: 110, 113, 126).
David Aune suggests the use of ‘Semitizing Greek’ indicates John was a native Aramaic (‘perhaps even Hebrew’) speaker (Aune, 1997: xlix-l). He suggests Revelation has a modification of the Greek tripartite prophecy formula (Aune, 1997: 112-113) which might mean John had some Greek literary education. However, James Barr had previously commented that merely writing in Greek did not automatically mean an author was influenced by Greco-Roman thought processes and philosophy, because koine Greek was the universal language at the time (Barr, 1961: 9-10). Neither Revelation itself nor the language used tells us whether John was the Apostle or the Elder or another leader who lived in Ephesus in the second half of the first century AD.
[1] ‘The abnormal type of the Greek (…) has been recently said to be characteristic of the vernacular Greek of this period, and the existence of Hebraisms strictly so call denied. These positions are untenable. The style (…) is absolutely unique in all Greek literature, while linguistically it is more Hebraic than the Septuagint.’ (Charles, 1913: 79).
7c) Who was John?
If two leaders called John were buried in Ephesus and one was the Apostle John and the other was (probably) the Elder (who handed down the ‘traditions’, quoted earlier, and wrote the second and third Johannine letter) was there a third John, who wrote Revelation? Ian Paul suggests the ambiguity is a modern phenomenon (especially within the last 200 years, Paul, 2018: 8) but doubts began quite early, for example those raised by Dionysius (c. AD 200-265; see 7b).
Modern scholarship tends to follow Dionysius but the Apostle John’s authorship of the Fourth Gospel and Revelation remain the orthodox view so the onus lies with those who doubt this to support their view. Other options vary from the negative to the complex. Aune lists and discounts several possible authors for Revelation, including the Apostle and the Elder, and he suggests that John may have been an unknown Palestinian Jew who ‘regarded himself as a prophet and his composition as a prophetic book’, but one who was not part of the Apostle-based community ‘in any meaningful sense’ (Aune, 1997: l-lvi). This seems very dismissive of John and perhaps unlikely, given Revelation’s later inclusion in the New Testament Canon (albeit after a lot of debate).
Martin Hengel complicates the authorship possibilities by suggesting the author of the Johaninne corpus was a composite figure of the Apostle and the Head of a School[1] in Ephesus (i.e. John the Elder) who had been exiled to Patmos in his earlier days (Hengel, 1989b: 130). The school included a mix of visionaries and those who followed the Apostle’s and Elder’s apocalyptic teachings. This is a different way of suggesting the author of the Fourth Gospel and the Johannine letter(s) was indirectly the author of Revelation, with significant modifications by others.
Authorship is even more complex if the Apostles authorship of the Fourth Gospel is doubted.[2] John as the author of the Fourth Gospel is an early attribution (Bauckham, 2017: 415) – but which John? Bauckham argues that John the ‘Beloved Disciple’ (Jn. 19:26-27, Jn. 20:2, Jn. 21:7, Jn. 21:20) is the author of the Fourth Gospel (Jn. 21:24); the name ‘Beloved Disciple’ is an epithet, not a real title (Bauckham, 2017: 401) – but he was not the son of Zebedee, so not one of the Twelve but a more minor disciple, and a resident of Jerusalem (Bauckham, 2017: 384, 413-414). Bauckham also suggests the author was John the Elder, and he wrote all three Johannine letters (Bauckham, 2017: 423) – but the identification of the author of Revelation was ‘an even more difficult question’ (Bauckham, 2017: 443). In 1993, Bauckham identified Revelation’s John as an otherwise unknown Jewish Christian prophet, one of a circle of prophets in Asia (Bauckham, 1993a:2).
The view with some consensus among scholars noted in this study is probably that Revelation’s John was part of a prophetic circle, perhaps a peripatetic prophet because of his familiarity with the seven churches mentioned in Revelation, but based in Ephesus because where a place is mentioned in early documents, it is Ephesus (Schnelle, 1998: 519). The order of the seven towns followed a path from Ephesus that a peripatetic prophet might take and John knew details of the seven congregations in Asia. For example: the temple on the side of a hill in Pergamum looks like a throne (2:13, assuming the slightly later Roman temple seen today reflects an earlier one); Sardis needed to wake up – and this reflected its past nocturnal betrayal (3:2); and the luke-warm waters of Laodicea reflected its location between hot springs and the valley (3:15-16).
Revelation’s John may have been buried away from Ephesus if he died on a journey, especially if he was a peripatetic prophet. Some scholars call him ‘John the seer’ (Charles, 1913: 79) or ‘John of Patmos’ (Caird, 1966: 3-5). M. Eugene Boring suggests John was a Christian prophet who served as an interpreter of historical events in John’s era to local congregations around Ephesus in a post-Resurrection world (Boring, 1989: 26). However, G.K. Beale rejects an unknown prophet as the author because John was clearly a significant leader in Asia; he supports the Apostle as the likely author (Beale, 2015: 2-3). Smalley argues that John was the Apostle, but authorship remains open (Smalley, 2005: 3; so Mounce, 1997: 15).
Reading the Greek today, even without Dionysius’ ability to recognise nuances of fashion or period, the Gospel and Revelation are clearly so different in style (notwithstanding the differences in genre) and grammar that it is hard to accept they were by the same author, even if one was written when the author was a much younger man. Caird suggests that common authorship was unlikely because of ‘the character of the Greek’, and he maintains that John should be designated ‘John of Patmos’ (Caird, 1966: 4-5). I doubted the Apostle’s authorship in the beginning of this study, mainly because of the difference in the Greek, but I now believe this can be explained by John’s use of a scribe who recorded John’s words, while the vision was happening, in a visionary situation of overwhelming complexity. Later, I support the proposal that Revelation’s John also wrote John’s Gospel, but whether he was the Apostle or the Beloved Disciple/ John the Elder (as Bauckham suggests), I do not know.
Does authorship matter? If the Patmos experience underlies the writing of the Fourth Gospel, then it does matter because John’s own interpretation of his vision on Patmos underlies the Gospel.
[1] The School consisted of a group of men who followed a particular teacher, equivalent of Jesus and the Disciples. Hengel suggested the Head of the School was John the Elder (Hengel, 1989b: 124). Rather than a ‘school’, Aune refers to ‘prophetic guilds’ which existed in ancient Israel and early Christianity. The author of Revelation may have been the ‘master prophet’ (Aune, 1997: liv).
[2] For example: Koester 2014: 67; see also: https://www.psephizo.com/biblical-studies/was-john-the-first-gospel/ and https://www.psephizo.com/biblical-studies/do-the-gospels-contradict-each-other-on-holy-week/ [Accessed 2 April 2026].
7d) When was Revelation written/ circulated?
The date of the vision and the date of its circulation do not necessarily coincide and authorship of Revelation is related to both of these. There are indications of when it was written within Revelation because John writes that his exile was part of a wider persecution:
‘I, John, your brother who share with you in Jesus the persecution and the kingdom and the patient endurance, was on the island called Patmos because of the word of God and the testimony of Jesus.’ (1:9).
To what persecution was John referring? The most common dates associated with Revelation are either AD 68-70 or AD 95-97, i.e. just before or a long time after the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70. What were the Christian leaders doing on these dates? Acts covers about 30 years (from the Resurrection to the early 60’s AD) and there were local uprisings (Acts 5:36-37) before the main Jewish War (AD 66-70). We know that the early church in Jerusalem suffered persecution. After Stephen’s martyrdom (c. AD 34–36), the apostles remained in the city (Acts 8:1) but believers scattered far and wide (Acts 11:19). The last reference to the Apostle John by name in Acts was when his brother, James, was killed by King Herod and Peter was arrested (Acts 12:1-4; c. AD 44). Paul and Barnabas were driven out of Antioch (Acts 13:50) and the Epistles refer to persecution of the faithful (Rom. 8:35, Gal. 5:11, Gal. 6:12, 2 Tim. 3:12). Persecution associated with Revelation John’s exile could have happened at any time before AD 70. Possible oppression under Emperor Domitian in the late 90’s AD is considered shortly.
If John was the Apostle or the Beloved Disciple…
What were the Apostle John (the traditional author of Revelation) and the Beloved Disciple doing on these dates? According to Jn. 19:26-27, after Jesus’ death, Mary the mother of Jesus went to live with the ‘beloved disciple’ and, according to Tradition at the site of ‘Mary’s last They went to Ephesus ‘after the crucifixion’. The site became a small chapel but another Tradition indicates Mary died in Jerusalem.[1]
However, disciples in Ephesus were originally followers of John the Baptist (Acts 18:19-22, Acts 19:1-41) and Paul founded the church there on a brief visit in AD 54.[2] He lived in Ephesus for 3 years (Acts 20:31; c. AD 56-58) so the Apostle and/or the Beloved Disciple and Mary did not arrive there until after Paul’s visits. On his third missionary journey, Paul met the Christian leaders (no mention of the above) from Ephesus at Miletus – he did not want to travel to Ephesus itself because he was keen to move onto Jerusalem for Pentecost (Acts 20:16-38; c. AD 59 or 60). Where the Apostle and/or the Beloved Disciple and Mary were located during this time is uncertain, they were most likely still in Jerusalem.
Therefore, using Acts as the guide, if John was the Apostle or the Beloved Disciple, he remained in Jerusalem until after other Christians had left following Jesus’ crucifixion, and after Paul’s visits to the city. John probably remained there until he saw the gathering Roman armies, i.e. heeding Jesus’ words (later recorded in Lk. 21/ Mt. 24/ Mk. 13). This suggests he left Jerusalem, probably for Asia, before or during the Jewish War (AD 66-70). There is no record of when he first arrived in Ephesus, but it was after c. AD 58-60. The exile to Patmos occurred from Ephesus because near contemporary sources state that John returned to Ephesus after his exile.
If John was NOT the Apostle or the Beloved Disciple …
Revelation’s link with Ephesus is undisputed and many modern scholars agree John was formerly a resident of Jerusalem (see 7c). There was a second called leader called John living and buried in Ephesus; the first was the Apostle (see 7b.1) and the second one may have been the Elder. If John was the Elder, his travels may have been similar to those of the Apostle John and/or the Beloved Disciple. Alternatively, if John was an otherwise unrecognised prophet, he may have left Jerusalem earlier. John may have became a believer in the Lord following the visit by Paul, Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:18; c. AD 52); perhaps he was one of the elders who met with Paul at Miletis (Acts 20:16-38; c. AD 59 or 60; see 7e).
How does this ambiguity affect the Revelation time-line? Time-constraints are ambiguous but a post-c. AD 52 or 58 date for John’s arrival in Ephesus seems likely, regardless of authorship. It is complicated – my personal views on authorship and dates are given later.
[1] Mary in Ephesus https://ephesiantourism.com/house-of-the-virgin-mary/?_gl=1*1gysmke*_up*MQ..*_ga*MTU3ODAwODA1NS4xNzY5MzYzNDQz*_ga_34DV7FZ43C*czE3NjkzNjM0NDIkbzEkZzEkdDE3NjkzNjM1MDkkajYwJGwwJGgw [Accessed 17 March 2026].
[2] ‘From Acts 18–19, we know that Paul’s first brief visit there was in 54 (dated from what we know about Gallio’s time as proconsul of Achaia)’ https://www.psephizo.com/biblical-studies/the-spiritual-gifts-in-1-corinthians-12/ [Accessed 18 May 2026].
7d.1 The early date for Revelation (c. AD 68-70)
If there was a common author for the Johannine writings, Caird suggests it would have had an early date, ‘for if one man wrote both Revelation and Gospel, it is certain that the Revelation came first’ (Caird, 1966: 5; so Smalley, 2005: 3; so Hengel, 1889b: 126-127). Smalley suggests John’s Gospel written in AD 80 (or c. AD 80, Bauckham, 2017:14) and the Johannine letters in AD 90 and, if so, this supports the earlier proposed date for the writing of Revelation (Smalley: 2005: 3). Using archaeological evidence from Jerusalem, George van Kooten proposes that the Gospel was written before AD 70 (van Kooten, 2025: 31),[1] which would make an even earlier in the ‘early date’ scenario for Revelation.
There was persecution following the Great Fire in Rome (AD 64), for which Christians were blamed, and it was brutal and short-lived – but limited to Rome. Later, according to Josephus (c. AD 37/38-110/120)[2] and quoted in Eusebius II.26.1, there were terrible persecutions and war against the Jews in the twelfth year of Emperor Nero’s reign (in AD 66; Nero committed suicide in AD 68). If Revelation was first circulated in AD 68-70, Jerusalem was still standing but under threat. John and some of the first Christians may have experienced the fear of Nero’s cruelty and persecution (AD 64) and fled from the Jewish War (AD 66-70).
‘Commanded by a revelation’, Christians heeded warnings to flee Jerusalem before the Jewish War and they escaped to Pella (Eusebius III.5.3). The Apostles’ teachings about Jesus’ life, death and resurrection (originally oral and later written down in the Gospels) give clear warnings of future danger for Jerusalem; perhaps this was the revelation. If the revelation was Revelation, then it was in circulation before AD 70.
[1] See also: https://www.psephizo.com/biblical-studies/was-john-the-first-gospel/ [Accessed 17 March 2026] https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/new-testament-studies/article/pre70-ce-dating-of-the-gospel-of-john-there-is-in-jerusalem-a-pool-which-has-five-porticoes-52/6EB521B72901E535E1BB31A1A1473C94 [Accessed 14 April 2026].
[2] https://www.biblestudytools.com/history/flavius-josephus/antiquities-jews/book-20/chapter-11.html [Accessed 9 May 2025].
7d.2 The later date for Revelation (c. AD 95-97) – Eusebius, Irenæus …
In the alternative scenario – that the vision occurred in AD 95-97 – the first audiences will have known the temple and Jerusalem had been destroyed (AD 70) and they were recovering from possible oppression under Emperor Domitian (AD 81-96). This case accepts as truth the comment of Irenaeus (recorded in connection with the number of the abyss beast, 13:18) which was quoted by Eusebius, who reported that John’s exile was rescinded by Emperor Trajan:
‘After Domitian had reigned fifteen years (AD 96, the year of the emperor’s assassination), and Nerva (who reigned for 2 years between Domitian and Trajan) had succeeded to the empire, the Roman Senate, according to the writers that record the history of those days, voted that Domitian’s honours should be cancelled, and that those who had been unjustly banished should return to their homes and have their property restored to them. It was at this time that the apostle John returned from his banishment in the island and took up his abode at Ephesus, according to an ancient Christian tradition.’ Eusebius, III.20.10-11
‘At that time the apostle and evangelist John, the one whom Jesus loved, was still living in Asia, and governing the churches of that region, having returned after the death of Domitian (in AD 96) from his exile on the island. And that he was still alive at that time may be established by the testimony of two witnesses (…) Irenæus and Clement of Alexandria’. (…).
He (Irenæus) attests “But the church in Ephesus also, which was founded by Paul, and where John remained until the time of Trajan (after AD 98), is a faithful witness of the apostolic tradition. (…) For that (the apocalyptic vision) was seen no very long time since, but almost in our day, towards the end of Domitian’s reign” (see also Irenæus, Against Heresies, 5.30.3).
(According to Clement) “Listen to a tale, which is not a mere tale, but a narrative (…) concerning John. (On his return from Patmos to Ephesus), he went away upon their invitation to the neighbouring territories of the Gentiles, to appoint bishops in some places, in other places to set in order whole churches, elsewhere to choose to the ministry someone of those that were pointed out by the Spirit.” ’ Eusebius III.23.1-6.
According to the documents Eusebius copied, both Irenæus and Clement agree that the Apostle John returned from Patmos to Ephesus, and he was alive after the death of Domitian and living in Asia. Eusebius believed that the Apostle John was the Beloved Disciple. Irenæus is the only proponent of the late-date hypothesis in the early years and Eusebius used that as the basis for his own History.
... and Clement
According to Clement, John was the Apostle and he was an active, travelling bishop after Patmos, who proclaimed the Gospel orally and by the time he wrote his own Gospel, he had read and endorsed the three synoptic Gospels:
‘Of all the disciples of the Lord, only Matthew and John have left us written memorials, and they, tradition says, were led to write only under the pressure of necessity.(…) And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels, they say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming the Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason. The three (synoptic) Gospels already mentioned having come into the hands of all and into his own too, they say that he accepted them and bore witness to their truthfulness; but that there was lacking in them an account of the deeds done by Christ at the beginning of his ministry.’ Clement in Eusebius III.24.5b-7.
According to Clement, ‘the pressure of necessity’ could mean the disciples’ anticipated deaths or social collapse (like in the Jewish War). The Apostle John’s priority was on evangelism but ‘finally proceeded to write’ does not preclude an early date for any or all of the Gospels. If they were written in the AD 80’s (or even AD 50-70’s) this is a long time after the crucifixion and John was exiled to Patmos before this. If the Apostle John was arrested and exiled to Patmos in his old age (and then he wrote the Gospel), Clement would have known this because he was very familiar with the Apostle’s work – I suggest this precludes the late date for Revelation.
Irenæus’ dates do not seem plausible – that John was exiled to Patmos ‘towards the end of Domitian’s reign’ and then he died early in ‘the time of Trajan’, because this is such a short period (probably about five years). Based upon these two documents, it seems more likely that John returned from Patmos to Ephesus a long time before Domitian died, and his evangelism continued for decades afterwards – so his reputation was well established in Asia by the time of his death. I suggest that if the late date for Revelation has any credibility, then it was associated with the re-circulation of the letter a short time before John died. Of course, if John was not the Apostle then Clement and Irenæus’ words are even more uncertain for dating Revelation.
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